Recent Pattern of Substance Use Among Patients with Substance Use Disorders in a Rehabilitation and Treatment Centre for Addiction in Dubai

A new paper in Adiktologie sheds rare light on how, what, and why people in Dubai are using drugs when they enter specialist addiction treatment. The study, conducted at Center for Treatment and Rehabilitation in Dubai, offers one of the clearest snapshots to date of substance use disorders in the UAE – and it tells a story of early onset, heavy polysubstance use, and serious social fallout.

Where and how the study was done

Researchers analysed data from 103 adults diagnosed with substance use disorders (SUDs) who were seen at Erada Center between May and August 2021.

• Participants were either inpatients, new admissions, or follow-up outpatients.

• All met DSM-5 criteria for SUD, confirmed by a consultant addiction psychiatrist.

• Information was collected using a structured, interviewer-administered questionnaire covering:

  • Sociodemographic background

  • Substance use history and current use

  • Routes and frequency of use

  • Associated psychological, social, and legal problems

Although the sample is modest, it represents all eligible patients at the centre during that time, providing a complete picture of those in care over those months.

Who is seeking treatment? A young, mostly unemployed male population

The typical patient in this study fits a very specific profile:

• Mean age: 29.3 years

• Age at first drug exposure: just 16.4 years

• Gender: 92.2% male

• Marital status: 67% single

• Employment: 71.8% unemployed

• Income: around 70% reported no income

• Nationality: 94.2% Emirati citizens

• Living situation: 91.3% lived with their family

Educationally, more than half (56%) had completed secondary school, while only a small minority had university degrees.

This profile mirrors a broader pattern seen in regional research: young Emirati men, often unemployed, unmarried, and financially dependent, are over-represented among individuals seeking help for addiction. At the same time, the very low number of women in treatment again highlights how gendered stigma and limited female-specific services may be keeping women out of view rather than out of harm’s way.

What are they using? Stimulants, opioids, and prescription drugs

The study shows a sharp shift away from the older picture of addiction dominated by alcohol and cannabis. Among these patients, the most commonly reported current substances were:

• Methamphetamine: 50.5%

• Opioids (including heroin and prescription opioids): 48.5%

• Amphetamine: 45.6%

• Pregabalin: 34%

• Benzodiazepines: 17.5%

• Cannabis: 15.5%

• Alcohol: 9.7%

In other words, stimulants and opioids – many of them synthetic or pharmaceutical – dominate the landscape, with alcohol and cannabis playing a much smaller role than in earlier UAE studies.

Almost three-quarters (74%) reported daily or more than daily substance use, indicating a very high-severity, high-risk treatment population.

How are they using? Injection is alarmingly common

Perhaps one of the most striking findings is the route of administration:

• Injection: 68.9%

• Oral use: 34%

• Sniffing: 19.4%

• Smoking: 19.4%

The predominance of intravenous drug use is clinically critical. Injecting substantially increases the risk of:

• Overdose

• Hepatitis B and C

• HIV and other bloodborne infections

• Serious medical complications such as sepsis, endocarditis, and soft-tissue infections

Given that 82.5% of participants also smoked cigarettes and many used other tobacco products, there is a picture of generally high-risk health behaviour, not just limited to illicit drugs.

Why did they start using? Curiosity, peers, and pleasure

When asked about the reasons for first drug use, participants most commonly cited:

• Teenage curiosity: 67%

• Having an addicted family member or friend: 28.2%

• Seeking joy or pleasure: 21.4%

Less frequent but notable contributors included psychological distress, low self-confidence, boredom, family problems (such as parental divorce), and strict parenting.

Taken together, these responses highlight a familiar mix: social exposure, developmental vulnerability (adolescence), and lack of awareness about consequences, all unfolding within a relatively permissive or high-stress social environment.

Beyond the drug itself: legal, financial, and emotional damage

The study doesn’t stop at what people use – it looks closely at what else is going wrong in their lives. Common associated problems and behaviours included:

• Legal problems leading to prison: 63.7%

• Major financial problems: 50%

• Recent death of a family member or close friend: 41.2%

• Exposure to domestic or family violence: 38.2%

• Recent family relationship breakdown: 35.3%

• Recent breakup of an emotional relationship: 35.3%

• Previous suicide attempts: 25.2%

• Current treatment for a mental/psychiatric disorder: 23.3%

• Bullying (at school, home, or work): 22.5%

This paints addiction not as an isolated issue, but as something deeply entangled with grief, trauma, violence, social conflict, and mental health problems. Access to firearms was reported by a small minority, but in combination with suicidal behaviour and severe psychosocial stress, it adds to overall risk.

Polysubstance patterns: three key “clusters”

To look beyond single substances, the authors examined how different drugs were used together using correlation and overlap analyses. Three broad co-use clusters emerged:

1. Opioid-related cluster

   • Methadone and buprenorphine were strongly associated with each other and with cannabis.

   • This may reflect patterns of substitution treatment (methadone/buprenorphine) combined with cannabis use.

2. Pregabalin–benzodiazepine–cannabis cluster

   • Pregabalin use was correlated with benzodiazepines and cannabis.

   • This supports concerns that pregabalin is becoming a key player in polysubstance misuse, often layered onto other sedatives.

3. Tramadol–MDMA–cocaine cluster

   • Tramadol use was linked with MDMA and cocaine, suggesting a stimulant–synthetic opioid pattern.

Some combinations appeared rarely (for example, MDMA with certain opioids), meaning a few correlations must be interpreted with caution, especially given the relatively small sample size. Still, the overall picture is clear: polysubstance use is the rule, not the exception.

What does this mean for treatment in Dubai and the UAE?

Several important implications flow from this study:

1. Early intervention is crucial
   With first exposure occurring around 16 years of age, prevention efforts need to target schools, youth programmes, and families long before adulthood.

2. Services must be designed for polysubstance use
   Treatment protocols that assume a “primary drug” are ill-suited to this reality. Clinical guidelines, detox protocols, and relapse-prevention plans must explicitly address multiple interacting substances, including stimulants, opioids, and prescription medications.

3. Harm reduction is urgently needed
   The very high rates of injecting call for:

   • Education about safer injecting

   • Access to sterile equipment (where policy allows)

   • Overdose prevention, including naloxone availability

   • Screening and treatment for hepatitis and HIV

4. Integrated mental health and social care
   With high levels of legal problems, financial strain, bereavement, and exposure to violence, treatment cannot be purely pharmacological. The authors argue for multidisciplinary models that include:

   • Psychiatry and psychology

   • Social work and legal support

   • Family interventions

   • Vocational and income-support components

5. Family- and community-based approaches
   Because most patients still live with their families, family engagement is not optional – it’s central. At the same time, community programmes are needed to reduce stigma and encourage earlier help-seeking.

6. Better data and ongoing surveillance
   The study serves as a baseline, but the authors stress the importance of continuous monitoring of:

   • Emerging substances

   • Shifts in drug markets (e.g. synthetic drugs, prescription diversion)

   • Changing patterns of co-use

Limitations – and why the paper still matters

The authors are transparent about the study’s limitations:

• It is cross-sectional, so it cannot show how patterns change over time.

• Data are from one treatment centre in Dubai, which may not represent people who never seek treatment or attend other facilities.

• The sample size (103) limits complex statistical modelling and detailed subgroup analyses (for example, by gender or age bands).

• Self-report and interviews always carry some risk of recall or social desirability bias.

Despite these constraints, the study fills a major evidence gap. High-quality, locally generated data on addiction in the UAE are scarce, and this work offers a structured, clinically rich snapshot of people actually in treatment.

In summary

This manuscript shows that among patients with substance use disorders in a Dubai rehabilitation centre:

• Substance use typically begins in mid-adolescence.

• Most are young  men, unemployed and single, living with family.

• Methamphetamine, opioids, and amphetamines dominate, alongside prescription drugs like pregabalin.

• Injection is common, and daily use is the norm.

• Lives are heavily affected by legal problems, financial hardship, trauma, and mental health difficulties.

• Polysubstance use is complex, with distinct co-use clusters involving opioids, stimulants, and prescription medications.